Innocent Sibonginkosi Ncube | Zim GBC News
A no-holds-barred political meeting attended by Zim GBC News has laid bare the frustration, cynicism, and fractured political analysis gripping Zimbabweans as Zanu PF factions barrel toward a high-stakes showdown over proposed constitutional amendments.
Citizens from across the political spectrum—and none at all—grapple with the implications of the controversial bill, the role of Vice President Constantino Chiwenga, the legacy of Blessed Geza, and the collapse of organised opposition.
‘The Only Way to Get Rid of These Criminals Is to Let Them Self-Destruct’
One participant, identified as Tafadzwa, delivered a blistering assessment of Zimbabwe’s political trajectory.
“The only way to get rid of these criminals (Zvigananda) is to let them self-destruct,” Tafadzwa contributed.
“Elections don’t help. It is better to have no elections at all than to have processes dressed up as elections, rigged and then accepted as a legitimate government.”
The exchange revealed deep scepticism about electoral politics. Another participant, Kudakwashe, affirmed what Tafadzwa had said:
“The Tshabangu situation showed me that in Zimbabwe, elections are just a waste of time.”
Kudakwashe was referring to the recalling of Constitutionally elected Members of Parliament under the Citizens Coaltion for Change (CCC) banner soon after the 2023 harmonized elections.
At the time, CCC leader, Nelson Chamisa announced what he termed “Strategic Ambiguity” which saw several old guard members of the CCC fall on the wayward as they were left out from contesting the elections.
Such politicians as Tenfai Biti, Welshman Ncube, Sengezo Tshabangu, and many others found themselves in the political dustbin as the CCC supporters preferred new and young blood.
Tsjabange was to emerge as a self-imposed Secretary-General of the CCC and deceminated the party with such impunity.
Without consulting anyone, Tshabangu wrote to the Speaker of Parliament under guise of the CCC and Secretary-General and recalled almost half of the MPs who were elected under the CCC.
The recalls had stopped Zanu-PF, the ruling party, from enjoying majority in the August house.
By-elections resulted in voter fatigue with some constituencies having to rerun with Zanu-PF candidates unopposed.
This gave the liberation war party the edge to willy-nilly use its numbers in the legislative to do as they please. This the current bill.
Kudakwashe added:
“We were forced to accept democracy in Africa—otherwise, this is not really our way.”
‘He Was Protecting the Constitution So That Chiwenga Could Take Over’
The role of the late outspoken Zanu PF figure Blessed Geza divided the group. One user, Tatenda, insisted Geza’s defiance was rooted in principle.
“The Constitution is about to be raped,” Tatenda pointed out.
“That is what Geza was opposing—yes, he wanted Chiwenga, but he also tried to protect the Constitution.”
But Tafadzwa dismissed this view entirely.
“What I refuse to accept is that Geza was protecting the Constitution,” Tafadzwa countered.
“You are lying. If Zanu PF had said Chiwenga is taking over—no elections in 2028—would Geza have been fighting, saying the Constitution has been violated? No!! Geza started making noise because he wasn’t getting a share. He wanted to eat like other Zviganandas.”
Tafadzwa added:
“His reason for fighting for the Constitution was so that Mnangagwa doesn’t go forward and Chiwenga takes over. Full stop. Not because he had this nation at heart.”
‘What Do We Do? Are We Just Going to Be Crushed?’
Desperation surfaced as Ruva asked directly:
“What do we do then? Are we just going to be crushed while we wait for them to fight amongst themselves?”
Tafadzwa responded with grim resignation:
“The only way to get rid of these criminals is to let them self-destruct.”
Later, a lengthy political essay was circulated, offering a forensic critique of the current crisis.
“A sombre political cloud hangs ominously around Zimbabwe,” the essay read.
“It waits to precipitate into a dictatorship never witnessed before in our country.”
The author accused President Emmerson Mnangagwa of violating a so-called “gentlemen’s agreement” with Vice President Chiwenga following the 2017 coup.
“The grapevine has it that there was an agreement that President Mnangagwa would rule for only five years and then allow VP Chiwenga to take over for his five years. Unfortunately, this has not happened.”
The essay further excoriated opposition leader Nelson Chamisa, describing his leadership as “ambivalent” and accusing him of reducing resistance to “social media and Bible verses.”
“Zanu PF now have the right to think that Zimbabweans are so docile that they can do whatever they want, whenever they want. There is now no organised opposition in Zimbabwe—thanks to failed strategies like having no structures and clear leadership hierarchies.”
The author concluded with a stark warning:
“If this bill is passed, then we have to accept that Zanu PF will rule for over 25 more years.”
A final contribution in the meeting, sent from a participant based in South Africa, posed a question increasingly whispered in political circles:
“Has the Vice President lost control of the Barracks?”
Zim GBC News has changed the identities of the participants, however, the captured sentiments expressed reflect growing anxiety and fragmentation across Zimbabwe’s body politic as the constitutional bill advances.
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